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Tag Archives: Human Rights

The CRED report and Tory ‘Marxism’: Time to bring in S1 of the Equality Act

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The thing about inviting Marxists (or “post-Marxists”?) into the heart of the UK Government, if you are a right-wing prime minister like Boris Johnson, is that they sometimes come with ideas you don’t understand with implications you can’t fathom – and hence policies you are unlikely to want to implement. This is very much the case with the No 10 report from the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities (CRED). Its emphasis was on the largely socio-economic basis of such disparities, ditching decades of liberal-left post-structuralist identity politics and notions of institutional racism for a more orthodox materialist historicism. Boris must have been quite baffled (though how would we tell?).

As it happens, if the government does actually want to do something about disparities that are embedded in socio-economic deprivation rather than racism, it has one quick fix that would actually do something: bring into force Part 1 of the Equality Act 2010.

This Act was largely a tidying up operation by the Gordon Brown government to bring equality legislation into one handy place.  It is full of provisions to deal with institutional racism but it also had something new in Part 1, Section 1:

Public sector duty regarding socio-economic inequalities
(1) An authority to which this section applies must, when making decisions of a strategic nature about how to exercise its functions, have due regard to the desirability of exercising them in a way that is designed to reduce the inequalities of outcome which result from socio-economic disadvantage.

This is bang on the button as far as the disparity report goes, with its concern about Britain as “a world where your talent and potential contribution are limited by which postcode you live in, your race or your socio-economic background”.

The CRED report, for example, shows its socio-economic class-based analysis by quoting with approval research that suggests Black Caribbean children perform less well than Black African children at school (and hence in life) in part because the more recent African immigrants are from a higher socio-economic group than the second or third generation of Caribbeans who came over specifically for working class jobs. Similarly those Indians who have migrated to Britain had a higher socio-economic status allowing them to flourish. (Report pp 67-8)
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Begum judgment: a dilemma for liberals

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How awkward! For Lisa Nandy, for Labour MPs in general only just getting used to donning the Union Jack waistcoat, and for all liberal constitutionalists who are believers in the rule of law and defenders of judges from allegations of “treachery” and “activism”.

The Begum Supreme Court ruling that “Jihadi bride” Shamima Begum cannot return to Britain to fight for her British citizenship has put them in a very contorted position. These, after all, are the people who believe it is right that judges stand in judgment over the executive; that they are a bulwark against oppressive government actions. That, after all, is the “rule of law”.

Yet here is a case where the highest court in the land supported the Government against the individual, backed the Goliath against a tragic single mother seeking to assert her rights, declared, indeed, that the courts should not intervene in such government policymaking.

The position of Nandy, the shadow Foreign Secretary, epitomises the agony on the liberal left. In the past she has, in principle, backed Begum’s return, saying (according to this Labour site last July): “The law was on the side of bringing her back to the UK, because it’s not legal to deny someone a fair trial or to make them stateless.” Here, though, is what she said on BBC 4’s Any Questions in response to the Begum decision (with emphases added):

  “I suppose first of all to say we respect the court’s decision. The judgment that the Home Office put forward was that it would create national security risks for her to return to the UK to appeal against the decision to strip her of her citizenship. She wants to have that heard in the UK. The Home Office wants that to be heard remotely from the camp that she is currently in and the Supreme Court ruled with the Home Secretary essentially that this [her return] creates national security risks. We wouldn’t welcome the prospect of anyone returning to the UK who wishes us harm.”

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(Alleged) torturers welcome to Britain – just pick up your certificate of immunity

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The lives of high profile war criminals, torturers and despots have just got a little easier. No longer need they strike Britain off the list of destinations when they fancy a foreign jolly out of fear that some officious busybody will spoil their fun by having them arrested for their crimes.

All they have to do is get the Foreign Office to declare them on a “special mission” and they become untouchable. They have immunity, not because the UK Parliament has given them immunity through a statute fully debated and passed by MPs and Peers. Instead a couple of High Court judges have declared they have immunity as part of English Common Law. As such immunity for those on special missions has always been the law.*

The High Court case was prompted by a visit to Britain by Lieut General Mahmoud Hegazy, the director of the Egyptian Military Intelligence Service blamed for the “atrocities” that arose from the crushing of a demonstrators opposing the coup against Mohamed Morsi in July 2013. Hegazy came to Britain in 2015 to meet government ministers, but part of his “official” mission was a visit to a London arms fair, according to the Guardian.

On the face of it the judgment (R (Freedom and Justice Party) v the Foreign Office) – in favour of the Foreign Office position – flies in the face of the Government’s insistence in 2013 that it had the “firm policy of ending impunity for the most serious international crimes and a commitment to the protection of human rights”. On the other hand it does get the Government and state agents such as the police and Director of Public Prosecutions off an embarrassing hook when a torturer or despot comes calling on “official” business.

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Algerians win new round in human rights battle against deportation

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Six Algerians considered “a threat to the national security of the United Kingdom” have won a new round in a legal battle that has, in three cases, lasted nearly eight years to resist deportation on human rights grounds. The Case of BB & Others v Secretary of State for the Home Department considers how far poor treatment and physical conditions (rather than torture) in foreign detention centres lacking British standards may justify a human rights bar to deportation. The issue is about “the requisite minimum level of severity needed to breach Article 3″ (of the European Convention on Human Rights on torture and inhuman treatment).

An agreement is in place between the UK and Algeria that terrorism suspects will not be tortured or mistreated on their return. However, the Court of Appeal decided that a tribunal (SIAC) that found the Algerians could be deported had failed to give full consideration to whether their potential detention and interrogation for up to 12 days by military authorities in Algeria would itself constitute “inhuman treatment” under Article 3. 

The court also questioned whether there were adequate safeguards to verify whether the Algerian authorities were observing the assurances given to the the UK Government about treatment of deportees. The assurances included Algeria’s acceptance in the case of any deportee of “the right to respect, in any circumstances, for his human dignity”.

The Special Immigration Appeals Commission (SIAC) will now have to look at the case again and consider evidence that conditions at Antar barracks interrogation centre in Algiers, where the men would be held temporarily, are not acceptable. 

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Daniel Gauntlett hypothermia death verdict

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Note: A full report on this inquest is now in this post: Question’s unanswered in the Daniel Gauntlett inquest

A coroner has recorded a verdict of death by natural causes exacerbated by self neglect in the case of Daniel Gauntlett, a 35-year-old unemployed man who died on the step of an empty boarded up bungalow in Aylesford, Kent, in February 2013.

Campaigners have claimed that he was in effect a victim of  Section 144 of the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act (LASPO) 2012, which criminalised squatting in residential property. It had been suggested he “died as a result of obeying the law” because police told him not to squat the empty house.

It has been argued that Gauntlett’s human rights may have been breached either because the Government failed to put in place Article 2 European Convention (right to life) protections when it passed Section 144; or because the police or social services had failed to offer sufficient help to him.

However, the inquest made barely any mention of the squatting issue. Nor was there any call for an examination of Gauntlett’s Article 2 rights under a “Middleton inquest” procedure. The court was told that Gauntlett died from hypothermia on a bitterly cold winter night. Evidence was given of his chronic alcoholism which his father said began when his younger brother died in a road traffic accident at the age of 18.

The deputy coroner for Mid Kent, Kate Thomas, sitting on 10 December 2014, had documentary evidence of Gauntlett’s accident and emergency admissions before her. A local community warden said Gauntlett had refused help on a number of occasions. No evidence was offered regarding squatting or any police intervention to stop him squatting the house he died in front of.

Read a fuller report of the inquest here: Question’s unanswered in the Daniel Gauntlett inquest

Twitter: alrich0660

An earlier piece on the death of Daniel Gauntlett is here
More on the squatting law on Thinking Legally: How protection of property could crumble
And a piece also Daniel Gauntlett inquest: human rights issues and the ‘Middleton’ procedure
Also a piece on Ministry of Justice guidelines on Nearly Legal here.

 

Conservatives’ Bill of Rights: suddenly they are all relativists now

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Quick, we need some long-held, deeply felt convictions – and we need them fast. You know: stuff we can bung in a written UK constitution based on centuries of history, shared values and culture – that sort of thing. Why? Because that way we can keep the European Court of Human Rights off our backs.

The Conservative Party, you see, has noticed that the Strasbourg court – known for riding roughshod over UK government actions – is sometimes willing to let countries get away with things. But only if those countries have long-held, deeply felt convictions that emerge from their history, shared values and culture – and are written into their constitution.

Britain doesn’t have a written constitution, hence a new “UK Bill of Rights” that the Conservatives favour. Dominic Raab, the Justice Secretary, has now announced just such a bill to amend the Human Rights Act.

The rationale used to justify a new Bill of Rights – that human rights are relative, not absolute – would not be out of place if uttered by a 1970s leftie lecturer at a bog-standard polytechnic. Here is arch-Tory Charlie Elphicke introducing his Bill of Rights (which Raab was involve with) in a parliamentary Private Member’s Bill in 2013:

The Bill is intended to help rebalance the approach to human rights towards a more subjective application to particular cases with the aim of ensuring that justice and fairness are not trumped by the rigid objective view that has characterised the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights.”

So Strasbourg judges have been too objective, apparently. Elphicke is wholly insistent on this subjectivity point, rejecting the principle that judges should come to decisions on a straightforward objective reading of the law. They should take account of each country’s history, shared values and culture before making decisions on their governments’ alleged breaches of human rights.

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